{"id":2409,"date":"2015-10-10T15:01:40","date_gmt":"2015-10-10T15:01:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/armando.info\/?p=2409"},"modified":"2015-10-10T15:01:40","modified_gmt":"2015-10-10T15:01:40","slug":"indigenous-self-defense-groups-rise-in-southern-venezuela","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/indigenous-self-defense-groups-rise-in-southern-venezuela\/","title":{"rendered":"Indigenous Self-Defense Groups Rise in Southern Venezuela"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It \r\nwas a hot Thursday afternoon, and nobody really thought about solemnities as a \r\ndeclaration of independence. A group of about 600 indigenous people from \r\nthirteen communities on the banks of the Paragua River subdued a group of \r\nsoldiers, who were armed, but far outnumbered: they were just 22 members. It had \r\nbeen a month since the soldiers had evicted nearly 3,000 miners who were \r\nillegally exploiting the vein from the site, the Toron\u00f3 gold mine. But after \r\ntheir pyrrhic triumph, the troops had left their vigilance and patrolling duties \r\nto dedicate themselves, with rolled up trousers and mining boots, to using for \r\ntheir own benefit the hydraulic pumps that the intruders left \r\nabandoned.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Turned \r\nby greed in miners, it was easy to reduce the Army's troops, members of the \r\n507th Battalion of Special Forces. The natives, superior in number and \r\ndetermination, surprised them sunk in the mud to their knees and with the \r\nmotor-pumps on. They were disarmed and tied up. Only the group's commanding \r\nofficer, a Lieutenant Gutierrez, and a soldier, managed to escape the \r\nattack.<\/p>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">At \r\ndawn the next day, a helicopter brought Colonel Cortez to negotiate at the site. \r\nPresident Hugo Ch\u00e1vez himself sent him to address the situation. At least, \r\nthat's what he said. In any case, his authority was not only derived from the \r\nalleged commission. One meter, 80 centimeters tall, corpulent, gray-haired, with \r\na deep voice, upholstered with badges and decorations, he pronounced words with \r\nmartial rigor. Cortez sought the release of the military, almost demanded it. \r\nThe staging was designed to intimidate.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Having \r\ncrossed the line, however, the natives did not intend to let things get out of \r\nhand. They were organized in groups. One took care of guarding the perimeter, \r\nplacing watchmen in different points. Another oversaw writing documents. With \r\ncommon sense they realized that they did not know how to negotiate hostages or \r\nanything else against the coercion of the State. They called some colleagues in \r\nthe touristic Gran Sabana, who did have experience in those \r\nconflicts.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">At \r\nthat time Alexis Romero was many kilometers away. He was in his Pem\u00f3n community, \r\nMaurak, located 17 kilometers from the town of Santa Elena de Uair\u00e9n in the \r\nmunicipality of Gran Sabana, in southeastern Bol\u00edvar state, near the border with \r\nBrazil. But he was quick to answer the call. He arrived at the place on the \r\nafternoon of the same day as Ch\u00e1vez's envoy. Romero, who had extensive \r\nexperience in the indigenous community movement and studies abroad, led the \r\nnegotiation with the military, which would last four days.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Thus, \r\non October 27, 2011 and the following days, it was inadvertently triggered the \r\nsequence of events that would originate the community of Musukpa and its virtual \r\nindependence from the Venezuelan State. Four years later, its inhabitants \r\nexploit the Toron\u00f3 mine on their own and according to rules defined by \r\nthemselves. They collect taxes to cover health and education expenses. And, \r\nunder the simultaneous and asymmetric siege of fortune hunters and the structure \r\nof the State, they organize security rounds.<\/p>\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The shrimp wakes up<\/h2>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It \r\nis winter - in Venezuela, the rainy season from May to December - and the still \r\npristine basin of the Paragua River, boasts its enormous and powerful flow. The \r\nthick vegetation covers the boat when it leaves the river to penetrate the \r\nalmost imperceptible Musukpa creek, the entrance to the indigenous \r\ncommunity.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Musukpa \r\nmeans \"shrimp\" in the Pem\u00f3n language. The name of the waterway involves a \r\ncertain nostalgia. It seems that these animals once were abundant in this \r\nfluvial corner of the northwest of the state of Bol\u00edvar that, together with \r\nAmazonas, make up the rich Guayana region, the southern half of the territory of \r\nVenezuela, south and east of the Orinoco River. More than civilization, the \r\nmining activities were responsible for annihilating the \r\nshrimps.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">A \r\nposter carved in wood and tied to a tree announces the arrival to the community \r\nof Musukpa. At first glance, there is an extensive portion of deforested land. \r\nWide sandbanks, impossible to cover at a single glance, cover the area. Long \r\nhoses run on top of them, climbing on rudimentary platforms built with logs and \r\npieces of wood. The hoses are connected to machines that, with asthmatic effort, \r\nspit out muddy water on carpets in poor condition that retain the material \r\nremoved by suction.<\/p>\n\n\n\t\t\t\t<figure class=\"wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-embed-handler wp-block-embed-embed-handler wp-embed-aspect-16-9 wp-has-aspect-ratio\"><div class=\"wp-block-embed__wrapper\">\n\t\t\t\t<iframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Ind\u00edgenas versus militares - Venezuela (Parte 1)\" width=\"500\" height=\"375\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/0g0ebVigEvg?feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div><\/figure>\n\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t \n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">They \r\nare all traces of mining. Although the settlers are indigenous, they no longer \r\npractice artisanal extraction. A diagnosis made in December 2013, as part of a \r\nproject to build a community sports complex, found that one in two Musukpa \r\nresidents owns small mining machines. Two out of ten work the wood. One in ten \r\nworks as a trader or in river transport. Only five percent are linked to \r\nagriculture. In Musukpa there is no conuco for cultivation. The demand for \r\ncassava bread - tortilla made of cassava flour, essential in the indigenous diet \r\n- is satisfied with purchases from neighboring communities. Musukpa is \r\nindependent but not autarkic.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It \r\nis not the typical indigenous community where the houses are distributed around \r\nan embankment that serves as a soccer field on Sundays. Upon entering Musukpa, \r\nwhat you see on the left is a group of houses distributed without any apparent \r\ncriteria. At the center stands a small churuata, then an ambulatory and the \r\nskeleton of a structure still without a roof that in the future is intended to \r\nbe a school. There are at least five grocery stores, where you can get \r\neverything from batteries to phone rentals per minute. The place is \r\npainstakingly clean.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Musukpa's \r\nlayout conveys an image of amalgamation, agglomerated disorder. In fact, the \r\ncommunity is a miracle of heterogeneity. It is home to members of different \r\nethnic groups from the south: Pemones, Yekuanas, Chirianas, Kurripakos and \r\nArawacos. There are also criollos in the 30 local \r\nfamilies.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \r\ninner concert that should reign in the community, difficult to perceive through \r\nthe evidence provided by the hamlet, becomes almost palpable at assembly \r\ntime.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It \r\npours rains when Gloria Lucila Morales' voice is heard through the megaphone to \r\nsummon all the inhabitants to participate in an extraordinary assembly. It's ten \r\no'clock on Saturday morning and some of them begin to join the assembly, driven \r\nby curiosity. Gloria is young, thin, with dark thick hair, and comes from the \r\nItoy Ponkon community in Heres municipality, state of Bol\u00edvar, about 15 \r\nkilometers from the capital of that entity, Ciudad Bol\u00edvar, east of Musukpa. She \r\ndoes not speak Pem\u00f3n, she confesses, the <I>lingua franca<\/I> of the meeting. But she makes up for it with a \r\nlifetime of experience in the struggle and organizational processes of her \r\n\"indigenous brothers\". Not for nothing is she who speaks the leading voice \r\nduring the assembly she called.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\"We \r\ndon't allow corruption here, nor armed gangs, we don't allow the sale of \r\nalcohol\", she adds. Musukpa is governed by a strict compendium of coexistence \r\nnorms of 10 chapters and 76 articles, which regulates all aspects of community \r\nlife, from mining work to the admission of visitors. According to the Communal \r\nLaw, the power plant is turned off every day at ten o'clock at night, the \r\noperation of the mine is only allowed from Monday to Saturday, between six in \r\nthe morning and five in the afternoon. Sundays are reserved for community work. \r\nAny violation of the rules entails fines and may even lead to the expulsion of \r\nthe offender.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u00c1ngel \r\nBlanco, who is also present at the assembly, does speak Pem\u00f3n. He took part in \r\nthe disarmament of the military in 2011; he is one of the fifty original \r\nfounders who have remained in the bulwark since then. He runs a <I>company<\/I>, \r\na name given to a group of no more than five people owning the engines and \r\nimplements required to operate the mines.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\"We \r\nare not getting rich, we are just surviving\", says \u00c1ngel Blanco.&nbsp; Haughty \r\nand contentious, for two years he occupied the second captaincy and now heads \r\nthe Sports Committee. During the assembly he took the floor and proudly \r\nproclaimed that since 2011 \"we have been independent of the Government, we \r\nmaintain the ambulatory with 10% of the commission, we are building a school \r\nwith the contribution of mining, these planks resting there\", points out some \r\nwooden planks, \"we haven't received them from the Government, no, here \r\neverything has been achieved thanks to the efforts of everybody\", he reiterates. \r\nThe attendants nod their heads.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><a title=\"Opens external link in new window\" href=\"https:\/\/www.scribd.com\/doc\/284365193\/Ley-Musukpa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Chapter \r\nIX of the Communal Law establishes a Social Fund under a special commission \r\nelected by the Indigenous Council<\/A>, \r\nresponsible for administering the economic resources provided by the owners of \r\nmachines, who every week must declare a profit report and allocate a tithe to \r\nthe community. All traders, shovelers and gold buyers are also obliged to make a \r\ncontribution destined to self-management.<\/p>\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-embed-script-lqKFtw wp-block-lazyblock-embed-script\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" allowfullscreen=\"\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"http:\/\/albumizr.com\/a\/nXY\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"367\" width=\"550\"><\/iframe><\/div>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">That \r\n<I>de facto<\/I> law is opposed to the \r\nGovernment's ordinances. In particular, Presidential Decree 8,413, with \"rank, \r\nvalue and force of Organic Law\" - Ch\u00e1vez signed it invested with enabling powers \r\n-, which in September 2011 granted the State a monopoly on the exploration, \r\nexploitation and commercialization of gold. Just two months later, eight \r\nindigenous captains -including Alexis Romero, the Pem\u00f3n activist who in October \r\nof the same year had dealt with Colonel Cortez over the outcome of the skirmish \r\nat the Toron\u00f3 mine - filed an appeal to nullify the Decree.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \r\nConstitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ) in Caracas rejected \r\nthe appeal. In simple terms, they told the inhabitants of the expropriated \r\nterritories that they have no right to decide on their own \r\nenvironments.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Legal \r\nprecariousness is not the only weakness that threatens to destroy this \r\nexperiment of self-government, not a utopia. The most pressing may be the \r\nstalking thugs that have become strong in the area. \"They work together\", says \r\n\u00c1ngel Blanco, without hesitation in denouncing the alliance between the military \r\nand the \"syndicates\", the name they call the armed criminal groups that roam the \r\narea. \"You have to say this way, we're not going to cover the sun with a finger, \r\nit's a public situation. Everyone knows that they pay bribes to the military, to \r\nthe police, to the army. Here we know very well that the security forces lead \r\nthe syndicates\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Even \r\nthough everyone recognizes the danger, not everyone seems willing to mention it \r\nso openly. Within indigenous communities, connivance between military forces and \r\ncriminal gangs is something that is discussed with more discretion and fear than \r\nanger. In fact, apart from Blanco's speech, during the assembly in Musukpa, the \r\nother allusions to the subject come from locals who refer to the armed gangs as \r\n\"agents of the Government\" who pay bribes to the generals, \"to their chiefs, of \r\ncourse, the institutional mafia\".<\/p>\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Blood reaches the river<\/h2>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Although \r\nsince 2005 there have been incidents of violence around the emergence of \r\nirregular groups that took the mines in kilometer 88 sector of Sifontes \r\nmunicipality, and El Manteco, in Piar municipality, east of the state of \r\nBol\u00edvar, all testimonies coincide in dating the point of break between the State \r\nand the community at the end of August 2013. Then Teodoro Osman, a native of the \r\nBethel sector but who had a camp in Musukpa, disappeared. His body was found two \r\nweeks later, floating in the river near the Uraima waterfall, eaten by the \r\nfish.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Teodoro \r\nOsman paid with his life a debt he didn't have. Manolo, his brother, who had \r\nallied with the outsiders, disappeared without a trace, but he did have a \r\npending account with some criminal group. The inert, swollen body of Teodoro \r\nOsman served as a warning to the locals to learn that in La Paragua the \r\n\"syndicate\" law was already being applied.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">On \r\nJanuary 21, 2014, almost five months after Osman's death and after numerous \r\ninternal meetings, the residents issued a report in the General Assembly, in \r\nwhich they state the presence of foreign groups carrying military weapons in \r\ntheir territories and carry out \"extortion, outrage against women, threats, \r\nkidnappings and murders\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><a title=\"Opens external link in new window\" href=\"https:\/\/www.scribd.com\/doc\/284325981\/Indigenas-formalizan-denuncia-contra-sindicatos-mineros\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A \r\nsealed and signed letter dated August 15, from which a copy was \r\nobtained<\/A>, \r\nattests to the fact that the director of the regional police in the area, Pinto \r\nNovis, reported on the subject to the Secretary of Public Safety and director of \r\nthe Bolivar State Police, Juvenal Villegas. The state of Bol\u00edvar has been \r\ngoverned since 2004 by a former army general, Francisco Rangel G\u00f3mez, a member \r\nof the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) and minister until 2000 \r\nof the executive cabinet of the late Hugo \r\nCh\u00e1vez.<\/p>\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-embed-script-iz5SIs wp-block-lazyblock-embed-script\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" allowfullscreen=\"\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"http:\/\/albumizr.com\/a\/OLI\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"367\" width=\"550\"><\/iframe><\/div>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\"The \r\ncaptains are requesting that the authorities focus on finding a solution to the \r\nalleged irregularities these so-called \"syndicates\" are committing, atrocities \r\nlike lascivious acts with minors, as well as the women of the captains of the \r\ncommunities themselves, who have been also beaten and mistreated\", the report \r\nindicates.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \r\nassassination of Osman and the deterioration in security over the area of ??La \r\nParagua strikingly coincided with the withdrawal of the military forces that \r\nwere until then stationed there and the abandonment of a checkpoint located a \r\nfew meters from Puerto Uraima, where the body was \r\nfound.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\"Approximately \r\n11 months ago the military officers corresponding to the Ministry of People's \r\nPower for Defense (MPPD) ceased their functions in Puerto Uraima, located in the \r\nMiddle Paragua for reasons unknown to us\", the 20 community captains denounced \r\nin their statement on January 2014. \"Since then, there has been an immeasurable \r\nexodus of non-indigenous and foreign citizens among us, many with criminal \r\nrecords and organized into criminal gangs, who exercise mining activities and \r\nviolently impose a new administration of everything that circulates \r\nthere\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Uraima \r\n- port, pass, jump and island - a key point of the river. There it is necessary \r\nto disembark to avoid a stream that interrupts the navigation between the high \r\nand low Paragua. It is a stretch of almost a kilometer that is covered in \r\nfour-wheel drive vehicles and borders the rapids. The place is also famous as a \r\nworld mecca of sport fishing, ideal for catching the payara \r\n(Hydrolycusscomberoides<I>)<\/I> and the pav\u00f3n (<I>Cichlaocellaris<\/I>), among \r\nother species of the Orinoquia.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Near \r\nUraima is located the most recent and productive \"<I>bulla<\/I>\", as it is known \r\nthe sudden and massive immigrations that occur when the word spreads of a new \r\ngold vein. The mine's name is Manaza. It is heading south, towards the high \r\nParagua, near Musukpa and the abandoned military checkpoint. Manaza is still the \r\nmost active mine in the Paragua basin. Adventurers arrive every day. But in \r\n2012, when the news of its wealth began to spread, it attracted thousands of \r\npeople. A confrontation between armed groups left six people dead that year. Two \r\ngangs, <I>Los 24<\/I>, on the one hand, and <I>Marco Polo<\/I>, on the other, \r\ndisputed control of the area. The scuffle forced a military \r\nintervention.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Whoever \r\nholds Uraima controls the transit through the Paragua River, which is vital for \r\nthe riverside communities. In 2013, an incident occurred there made it very \r\nclear how far the ambitions of the irregular groups went.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It \r\nall started on a Sunday, the sources agree. A bunch of vandals camped in Uraima. \r\nNotified of this, Andr\u00e9s Solis, captain general of La Paragua, presented himself \r\nat the site and together with other community authorities, asked the irregulars \r\nto leave the area. After many some discussions, they obeyed, though \r\nreluctantly.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \r\nnext morning, a nervous group of natives arrived at the Merunt\u00f6p\u00f6y community, \r\nwhich the captains had retired to spend the night. They came with the news that \r\nthe irregulars had taken the port by assault, subjecting Jos\u00e9 Fernando Mej\u00edas, \r\nthe owner and driver of the 4x4 vehicle that every day makes the transshipment \r\nroute on the banks of the river.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \r\nthugs, instead of listening to the injunction of the indigenous captains, had \r\nleft in search of reinforcements. Now there were 15 of them and they were in \r\nunder the command of a Colombian who they called Edwin. As a warning they \r\ncarried an arsenal that included hand grenades.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nearly \r\na hundred natives, armed with arrows and shotguns, went to reconquer the post. \r\nAccording to witnesses, the tension in the environment could be cut with a \r\nknife. But this time blood would not reach the river. The spirits calmed down \r\nand it was agreed that both indigenous people and \"syndicates\" could transit \r\nfreely through the Uraima pass and move their work tools and supplies, as long \r\nas they showed respect for the indigenous authority and nobody carried weapons \r\nor, at least, nobody exhibited them.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Certainly, \r\nthe locals did not allow the syndicates to intimidate them. But to preserve \r\npeace they paid a price: to negotiate the passage and crossing through their \r\nancestral lands to the irregulars.<\/p>\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-embed-script-RotNIy wp-block-lazyblock-embed-script\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" allowfullscreen=\"\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"http:\/\/albumizr.com\/a\/tEY\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"367\" width=\"550\"><\/iframe><\/div>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \r\nnative communities continue to respect that <I>status quo<\/I>. However, at the \r\ntime they still informed the state authorities about the incident and its \r\nconsequences. According to documents, a report of the events was sent to the \r\nmajor general Marcelino Federico P\u00e9rez D\u00edaz, then commander of the Strategic \r\nRegion of Integral Defense of Guayana (Redi); to the head of the sub-delegation \r\nof the Scientific and Criminal Investigation Corps (CICPC, judicial police) of \r\nBol\u00edvar state; and to the commander of Regional No. 8 of the Bolivarian National \r\nGuard (militarized police, component of the Armed Forces), Brigadier General \r\nRicardo P\u00e9rez Lugo. They never got an answer.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It \r\nis true that the governments of the so-called Bolivarian Revolution - one of \r\nwhose flags is the official sensitivity towards indigenous peoples - have \r\nrecognized the problem. As it is also true that it does not manage to propose \r\nand implement solutions.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Three \r\ndays after the manifesto made public by the indigenous people in January 2014, \r\nthe then Minister of Interior, Justice and Peace, General Miguel Rodr\u00edguez \r\nTorres, acknowledged the existence of mafias who took the mines, during a visit \r\nto the state of Bol\u00edvar. \"Here we have a problem, there are some groups that \r\ncall themselves 'syndicates' and they are actually armed gangs that commit \r\nextortion\". During that visit, in a day that Governor Rangel G\u00f3mez described as \r\n\"exemplary\", the creation of special groups was promised to \"neutralize those \r\ngangs that are doing practically whatever they want\". But a year and a half \r\nlater, the situation changed almost nothing. Still in June 2015, Rangel G\u00f3mez \r\ndeclared that he was about to go \"with the firm decision and all the forces to \r\nnormalize a situation that has been generated by the different mining \r\n'syndicates' that try to take control of the area with illegal \r\nmining\".<\/p>\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">It's not the Good Wildling; it's the gold<\/h2>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \r\nrain does not stop in Musukpa. The wind blows furiously and threatens to tear \r\nout the flimsy sheet of zinc that acts as a roof in the churuata where the \r\nassembly meets. Even the dogs huddle in the middle. But the conclave is not \r\ninterrupted either.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Gloria \r\ncontinues to recite in strict chronological order the events that led to the \r\ncreation of Musukpa. She assures that the government's omission and neglect of \r\nmany years, and the participation of the authority in a network interwoven \r\nbetween irregulars, military, politicians, led to an awakening of the peoples. \r\nShe takes a pause of a couple of seconds and adds: \"Also for the discrimination \r\nagainst the indigenous people that the military had in conjunction with the \r\narmed groups they call 'syndicates', because, let's say it once and for all, who \r\nwants to work under gun threats?\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In \r\nthe chronology - presented as an oral exercise of collective memory - the \r\nstatement of January 21, 2014 occupies a prominent position. Although it was \r\nthen the equivalent of a \"No more!\" proclamation from the community, it ended up \r\nbeing a sort of foundational title for Musukpa and its claims to become an \r\nautonomous enclave. A sort of independent republic.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">As \r\nthe law of the strongest began to be imposed in the region, over the norms of \r\nthe Venezuelan State, the text included a fragment that, as would later be \r\nconfirmed, was neither a bravado nor a simple threat. The natives were preparing \r\nto defend themselves. \"If the security institutions don't assume their \r\nfunctions, we will be obliged to organize ourselves to defend our rights and \r\nfight insecurity within our territories\", states the document. Also: \"The Port \r\nof Uraima will be taken, where a security brigade will be established to \r\nstrengthen internal security mechanisms in the \r\ncommunities\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">As \r\nearly as October 25, 2011, in the resolution 001-2001, issued by the captains of \r\nthe indigenous communities of the high and mid Paragua, two days before the \r\ntakeover of Toron\u00f3, which led to the constitution of Musukpa, it was already \r\nspoken about the creation and organization of \"security brigades\" or \r\nself-defense groups. Three surveillance and control points were then established \r\nat the access points of Musukpa.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In \r\nJanuary 2014, the formation of self-defense groups was considered imminent. The \r\nnatives proposed the maintenance of these groups by self-management with \r\neconomic contributions from merchants, river transport, visitors, owners of \r\nmachines, shovelers and workers. In the landmark document of that date, they \r\nargue that indigenous peoples have a right of autonomy that allows them to \r\nassume their own security and community justice. They make it clear that such \r\nactions stem from the institutional vacuum, the abandonment and the omission of \r\nthe authorities to exercise their obligations in terms of justice procurement \r\nand security. And they emphasize: \"We reaffirm our desire that our lands and \r\ncommunities not be shelters for criminals, let alone that they bring a \r\nbloodshed, we want to be free and independent men and \r\nwomen\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It \r\nis not, in any way, an exclusive phenomenon of Venezuela. In Mexico, the \r\nindigenous people and peasants of the states of Michoac\u00e1n and Guerrero, cornered \r\nbetween the drug cartels, took up arms to defend themselves against the \r\norganized crime that harasses their communities, where the increase in violence \r\nand human rights violations has totally blurred the legitimacy of the \r\nState.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">And \r\nthe example of Musukpa was contagious in Venezuela. Two years after the takeover \r\nof Toron\u00f3, further southeast, in the Gran Sabana, again the Pemones disarmed \r\nVenezuelan military personnel who subjected them to the payment of tithes in the \r\nIkabar\u00fa area.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Now \r\nin areas of the Gran Sabana, such as sectors five and six, there are local \r\nsecurity brigades. In Santa Elena de Uair\u00e9n, the large town in southern state of \r\nBol\u00edvar, neighboring the Brazilian Boa Vista (state of Roraima), there is \r\ntalking about forming community rounds. The last week of last July there was a \r\nmeeting in the Gran Sabana, from which came the idea of ??a future Aboriginal \r\nUniversity of Security.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Alexis \r\nRomero, the Pem\u00f3n leader who in October 2011 traveled from the Gran Sabana to \r\nhelp in the takeover of Toron\u00f3, the future Musukpa, successfully negotiating \r\nwith the government and the army, has some responsibility for the consolidation \r\nof this idea in the region too.<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Romero \r\npaid a high price for his advice:<a title=\"external-link-new-window\" href=\"http:\/\/www.armando.info\/sitio\/http:\/\" target=\"http\/\/corte-marcial.tsj.gob.ve\/DECISIONES\/2012\/ENERO\/1297-19-02-12-.HTML\" rel=\"noopener\"> \r\nhe \r\nwas the only one of the five imputed captains who ended up in \r\nprison<\/A> \r\nfor the uprising against the military authorities. He was imprisoned in the \r\nCentro Penitenciario de Oriente (East Penitentiary Center), better known as 'La \r\nPica', on the outskirts of Matur\u00edn, capital of the state of Monagas. After \r\nseveral days of imprisonment, the political prisoner received an unexpected \r\npresidential pardon from Hugo Ch\u00e1vez Fr\u00edas. In any case, he still seems \r\nimprisoned today. He doesn't even leave the Gran Sabana. Although he must appear \r\nevery 15 days before a court in Ciudad Guayana, 720 kilometers away, he warns \r\nthat he cannot pay for those trips.<\/p>\n\n\n\t\t\t\t<figure class=\"wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-embed-handler wp-block-embed-embed-handler wp-embed-aspect-16-9 wp-has-aspect-ratio\"><div class=\"wp-block-embed__wrapper\">\n\t\t\t\t<iframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Ind\u00edgenas versus militares - Venezuela (Parte 2)\" width=\"500\" height=\"375\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/2EGHCmM-Bhg?feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div><\/figure>\n\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t \n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Romero, \r\nwho speaks on the phone from the community of Maurak, in the Gran Sabana, \r\nadvises caution to assess what happens among the Pemones in terms of community \r\nsafety. Firstly, so that local initiatives are not confused with other local \r\npopular forms in recent years, such as the so-called <I>collectives<\/I> or the paramilitary groups. He fears that confusion \r\nwould at some point serve to criminalize the emerging indigenous movement: \r\n\"Trying to imitate models that are born from the State is a failure, a mistake, \r\nwe have to develop our organizational processes from our own structures\". Then, \r\nso that the situation is not idealized. It is no longer a question about the \r\nvirginal state of the Good Wildling, but about supervising an extractive \r\nactivity that preys on nature and collective morals. It is the demon of gold. \r\n\"Everything is harmful no matter how artisanal you try to do it\", warns the \r\n49-year-old leader. \"It is very difficult to sustain it when the indigenous \r\npeople, especially the Pem\u00f3n people, know the non-traditional mining carried out \r\nwith hydraulic machines, and the ease it provides. Going back to the past is \r\nnearly impossible\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \r\nanthropologist Esteban Mosonyi judges the situation from Caracas with the same \r\nfatality - or realism -: \"The Indigenous people have become miners because \r\nnobody has supported them in any other kind of activity. Now certain interests \r\nand even necessities predominate that force them to live with mining. They have \r\nasked for help for tourism, aid for agriculture, normal economic activities and \r\nhave never received support, and when an initiative comes up they have no \r\nsuccess\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In \r\nMusukpa, where many young people are reservists and high school graduates, few, \r\nhowever, are willing to do community work, which represents the basis of the \r\nvery existence of the indigenous community. \"As it is not a paid job, to cover \r\ntheir needs they dedicate to mining\", is the regret with which Gloria Lucila \r\nMorales concludes her story. \"It's the sad expression we \r\ndiagnose\".<\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n\n\r\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><I>(*) \r\nThis report was conducted during the Diploma of Investigative Journalism, which \r\nis offered by the Institute of Press and Society (IPYS) in alliance with the \r\nUniversidad Cat\u00f3lica Andr\u00e9s Bello (UCAB).<\/I> \r\n<I><\/I><\/p>\n\n<div class=\"wps-pgfw-pdf-generate-icon__wrapper-frontend pgfw-icon-display pgfw-icon-display--default\" style=\"--pgfw-icon-justify:center;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2409\/?action=genpdf&#038;id=2409\" class=\"pgfw-single-pdf-download-button pgfw-single-pdf-download-button--default pgfw-single-pdf-download-button--icon-only\" title=\"Generate PDF\" style=\"--pgfw-icon-width:25px;--pgfw-icon-height:45px;\" aria-label=\"Download PDF\"><span class=\"pgfw-single-pdf-download-button__media\" aria-hidden=\"true\"><img src=\"https:\/\/armando.info\/wp-content\/plugins\/pdf-generator-for-wp\/admin\/src\/images\/PDF_Tray.svg\" alt=\"\" decoding=\"async\"><\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Aboriginal resistance celebrated on October 12 has had for the last four years a new expression in Musukpa, on the banks of the Paragua river, state of Bol\u00edvar. Natives of various ethnic groups, led by the Pemones, organized themselves to disarm the military forces and confront criminal gangs that seek to control the gold deposits in the area, which is now practically liberated territory. But not a utopia.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":81,"featured_media":52040,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"give_campaign_id":0,"_kad_blocks_custom_css":"","_kad_blocks_head_custom_js":"","_kad_blocks_body_custom_js":"","_kad_blocks_footer_custom_js":"","ghostkit_customizer_options":"","ghostkit_custom_css":"","ghostkit_custom_js_head":"","ghostkit_custom_js_foot":"","ghostkit_typography":"","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2387,2210],"tags":[280,206,1779,1841],"pais":[4216],"serie":[],"localizacion":[4227],"ppma_author":[2375],"class_list":["post-2409","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-internacionales","category-investigacion","tag-autodefensas","tag-guayana","tag-indigenas","tag-ingles","pais-venezuela-en"],"acf":{"reportage-top-html":""},"views":2124,"taxonomy_info":{"category":[{"value":2387,"label":"Internacionales"},{"value":2210,"label":"Investigacion"}],"post_tag":[{"value":280,"label":"Autodefensas"},{"value":206,"label":"Guayana"},{"value":1779,"label":"Ind\u00edgenas"},{"value":1841,"label":"Ingl\u00e9s"}],"pais":[{"value":4216,"label":"Venezuela"}]},"featured_image_src_large":["https:\/\/armando.info\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/10102015-la-autodefensa-indigenas.png",1920,784,false],"author_info":{"display_name":"ARMANDO.INFO","author_link":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/author\/armando2\/"},"comment_info":0,"category_info":[{"term_id":2387,"name":"Internacionales","slug":"internacionales","term_group":0,"term_taxonomy_id":2387,"taxonomy":"category","description":"","parent":0,"count":127,"filter":"raw","menu_order":"0","cat_ID":2387,"category_count":127,"category_description":"","cat_name":"Internacionales","category_nicename":"internacionales","category_parent":0},{"term_id":2210,"name":"Investigacion","slug":"investigacion","term_group":0,"term_taxonomy_id":2210,"taxonomy":"category","description":"","parent":0,"count":670,"filter":"raw","menu_order":"0","cat_ID":2210,"category_count":670,"category_description":"","cat_name":"Investigacion","category_nicename":"investigacion","category_parent":0}],"tag_info":[{"term_id":280,"name":"Autodefensas","slug":"autodefensas","term_group":0,"term_taxonomy_id":280,"taxonomy":"post_tag","description":"","parent":0,"count":2,"filter":"raw","menu_order":"0"},{"term_id":206,"name":"Guayana","slug":"guayana","term_group":0,"term_taxonomy_id":206,"taxonomy":"post_tag","description":"","parent":0,"count":11,"filter":"raw","menu_order":"0"},{"term_id":1779,"name":"Ind\u00edgenas","slug":"indigenas","term_group":0,"term_taxonomy_id":1779,"taxonomy":"post_tag","description":"","parent":0,"count":10,"filter":"raw","menu_order":"0"},{"term_id":1841,"name":"Ingl\u00e9s","slug":"ingles","term_group":0,"term_taxonomy_id":1841,"taxonomy":"post_tag","description":"","parent":0,"count":50,"filter":"raw","menu_order":"0"}],"publishpress_future_action":{"enabled":false,"date":"2026-08-18 20:54:32","action":"change-status","newStatus":"draft","terms":[],"taxonomy":"category","extraData":[]},"publishpress_future_workflow_manual_trigger":{"enabledWorkflows":[]},"authors":[{"term_id":2375,"user_id":0,"is_guest":1,"slug":"maria-antonieta-segovia","display_name":"M.\u00aa ANTONIETA SEGOVIA","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/?s=96&d=mm&r=g","author_category":"","first_name":"","last_name":"","user_url":"","job_title":"","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2409","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/81"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2409"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2409\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/52040"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2409"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2409"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2409"},{"taxonomy":"pais","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pais?post=2409"},{"taxonomy":"serie","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/serie?post=2409"},{"taxonomy":"localizacion","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/localizacion?post=2409"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/armando.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2409"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}