Boutique of Reputations defends Cilia Flores' nephew in the USA

In the menu of Squire Patton Boggs, the powerful firm that brings together a law firm and public relations bureau, the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela found several options to its liking: from lobbying against adverse laws to suing a web portal. Now, the company, which at the time has equally served a bloody Guatemalan dictator or the Palestinian Authority, is responsible for assisting Efraín Campos, nephew of the Venezuelan 'First Combatant', accused of drug trafficking in a court in New York.
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Businesses
have no borders. So says the page of the law firm that, since last November 12,
is responsible for the defense of Efraín Campo Flores, the nephew of Cilia
Flores, wife of the president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro. Campo Flores was
arrested last November accused of drug trafficking along with his cousin,
Franqui Flores. The former was guaranteed a defense with one of the 30 largest
law firms in the world that also ranked second in the US lobbying business.
Squire Patton Boggs is the defense firm of many interests in Washington DC, a
member of the establishment in the US capital.The firm, as it is now known, was
born in 2014, as a result of the merger of many other firms. The first, the
oldest, is Squire, Sanders & Dempsey. It was founded in Cleveland (Ohio,
USA) in 1890 and until the 90s, it was a law firm with offices in its country of
origin and Brussels, Belgium only. The fall of the Iron Curtain and the collapse
of the former Soviet Union after the end of the Cold War marked the rise of the
group, which intervened in much of the privatization processes of companies in
the former Soviet republics.
In
January 2011, it merged with the European Hammonds, incorporated in Yorkshire
(United Kingdom) in 1887, which had turn merged with Edge Ellison in 2000. From
being the most important group in its country, it acquired a millionaire debt
that led to a drastic downsizing, a situation that significantly improved when
joining Squire, Sanders & Dempsey and that, undoubtedly, would improve even
more over the years.
The
third law firm is Patton Boggs, founded by James R. Patton Jr in 1962. His fall
is recent. They participated in Ecuador's lawsuit against Chevron Corp, filed
for the dumping of over 800,000 tons of petroleum waste between 1964 and 1992,
in the Lago Agrio area. The dispute was "settled" when the oil company agreed
with the law firm to pay 15 million dollars provided Chevron withdrew
allegations of fraud, deception and malicious accusation against the firm. The
Ecuadorian citizens who filed the lawsuit, dissatisfied, accused Patton Boggs of
"betrayal". Hewitt Pate, Chevron's general counsel, said the company was
"pleased that they had ended their association with the litigation for fraud and
extortion in Ecuador," and Patton Boggs apologized and agreed to cooperate with
the international company. The negotiations for the merger with Squire Sands
started earlier and this collision was an obstacle. Once settled, the merger
took place in June 2014.
This
is how Squire Patton Boggs was born, with 44 offices in 21 countries and an
annual turnover of 775 million dollars, according to American Lawyer.

Logo of the firm after the three groups that gave origin to the organization finally merged last year.
Caracas: Coke and Gas
The
case of Cilia Flores' nephew is not the only case taken by the law firm. For a
few weeks, they have been in charge of the case of the Central Bank of Venezuela
(BCV) against the DolarToday website. This site publishes the rate of what is
known in the country as "parallel dollar" or "black-market dollar." The exchange
control existing in the country since 2003, was implemented - according to the
then President Hugo Chávez - to prevent the flight of foreign currency after the
three-month oil strike that tried to overthrow the revolutionary leader. It was
intended as a temporary measure, but since then and, for now, it is here to
stay. For instance, Venezuelans who want to travel abroad must request
authorization for the government to be assigned dollars. Depending on their
destination and the length of stay, they are assigned a greater or lesser
amount. The same happens with the companies - regardless of the size - that want
to import goods. To understand the significance of this control, it must be
pointed out that Venezuela's production depends to a large extent on imports.
Though there are pharmaceuticals in the country, the active ingredients are
imported. There is corn flour, but the grain mostly comes from
abroad. The
control of foreign currencies has generated a demand that in turn created a
parallel rate, which first varied according to the bidder. In 2010, if the
official dollar was at Bs. 6.30, it could be obtained at Bs. 10 on the black
market. That year, DolarToday appeared, a page that published the rate of the
"unmentionable," coined like that due to the Government's prohibition to mention
it and give its value. Nobody knew who was behind the page or what was exactly
the calculation method of this black-market rate. The investigation “DolarToday - The most famous revenge of
three Venezuelans”, by Armando.Info, El Pitazo TV and Poderopedia Venezuela,
uncovered some of the faces behind the website. Then ?after
the government of Nicolás Maduro vociferated several threats against the portal,
which was accused of being part of a conspiracy against the national
currency?
the BCV came into play. This is when the firm came into the
picture. Squire
Patton Bogs is in charge of this litigation against the members of DolarToday.
It is the only case which they wanted to talk about with Armando.Info. While
their website has contact information of each of the lawyers making up their
firm, at the time of declaring they are more reluctant. They were contacted in
the New York office, which is in charge of the case of the Flores nephew. The
call never went beyond the receptionist, who many times insisted on knowing "who
sent us." They said it was impossible to accept an interview. At the publishing
of this press release, the lawyers of that office did not answer the successive
emails sent to them. After contacting the Washington DC office and also sending
several emails, Adam R. Fox finally answered, who agreed to a teleconference
interview via Skype. Adam
R. Fox, young, but with 18 years of experience in the company - started with
Squire Sanders - tells from his home in Los Angeles that he is one of the
lawyers in charge of the DolarToday case. He insists that he can only talk about
that case, "I do not know about other cases. I am not involved in the case of
Cilia Flores' nephew. I do not even know which of my colleagues is." Nor does he
say how much is BCV paying to its company. "I am focused on the case, not on
those details." Nor does he know who is in charge of this contract in Venezuela,
"a lot of BCV people talk to us." On his case, he says that most Americans do
not know what DolarToday is, nor do they have any interest in what the BCV
does. "It
is in Delaware, and at least 15 people are responsible for making rates. Where
do you get that information? Why are they doing that? Why do they make those
numbers with which they are illicitly getting rich?" he says calmly, alluding to
the fact that he does not know if the Venezuelan government is popular or
unpopular, but that he is on the side of a central bank – “a small part of a
government that is engaged in monetary policy and is having this problem."

Ecuador sued Chevron for the dumping of over 800,000 tons of petroleum waste between 1964 and 1992, and Squire Patton Boggs was also in that litigation. Photo: Flickr/Rainforest Action Network.

No Borders, No Ideologies
Another
case of the Venezuela chapter in this law firm is Citgo and a decree issued by
President Barack Obama on March 9. Citgo is the subsidiary company of PDVSA in
USA. In 2014, the Human Rights Defense Law project was presented in Venezuela to
investigate and punish some officials of the Venezuelan Government who,
according to Washington DC, had committed human rights violations during the
repression of the guarimbas (street blockades and protests) of 2014. But someone
stopped the project, the Senator of the Democratic Party, Mary Landrieu,
president of the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources. Citgo contacted her
through a series of emails that were published on the website of the Político
magazine after a leak. They communicated the senator their uncertainty about the
law and the possible repercussion it could have on their company. "If the law is
approved, it would affect the import of crude from our refinery in Lakes Charles
(Louisiana, United States), and led to the dismissal of hundreds of
employees." What
is Squire Patton Boggs’ role here? Several things. On the one hand, it was the
lobby group that Citgo hired to convince the senator to stop the law that was
passed in the end. On the other hand, were the main financiers of the Landrieu
campaign. From
supporting the causes of the Bolivarian, Socialist, Chavez and Workers'
Revolution to support the causes of someone accused of the largest genocide in
Latin America, one just have to go back a few years. Fernando Romeo Lucas García
arrived at the presidency of Guatemala after the 1978 elections. Since then
until 1982, he ruled the Central American country with dictatorial shades. Along
with his successor, Efraín Ríos Montt - who came to power after a coup d'état,
is identified as one of the leading individuals responsible for human rights
violations in Guatemala. "In
1976, there was an earthquake that devastated Guatemala. Lucas García sensed in
'78 that the guerrillas in Guatemala were growing. It was the result of the
injustice and inequality that governed after the catastrophe. He began to see
the advance of the revolutionary movements in Nicaragua, Guatemala and El
Salvador, and felt that he was losing power. He was the one who let the violence
in Guatemala reach to such level," says Martín Rodríguez Wachikaj, a Guatemalan
journalist, founder of the Nómada newspaper. A
total of 200,000 murdered, 50,000 disappeared and a million internally displaced
persons or refugees in Mexico, in a country that had then 7 million inhabitants,
is the disastrous balance of Lucas García and his successor. "There were more
social leaders disappeared than in Argentina, Uruguay and Chile together. He
took violence to horrifying levels," says Rodríguez Wachikaj. In the high plane,
violence against the indigenous communities that claimed their rights was
extreme. When they wanted to raise their voice in a more visible place, death
found them. On January 31, 1980, they went to the Spanish embassy in the capital
to demonstrate. "Romeo Lucas prohibited the fire brigades to approach the
embassy and burned everyone: peasants, students, diplomats, politicians. He
slaughtered 38 people." During
the government of Lucas García, the United States of America stop through the
Congress the aid for military purposes in Guatemala. The Guatemalan dictator
tried to iron out the differences with the neighbor from the north with money
and talk in order to slam the iron fist in his country. For that purpose,
lobbyist Thomas H. Boggs Jr, father of the firm Patton Boggs, was the last
joining Squire Patton Boggs. In
the fire of the embassy of Spain, Vicente Menchú, father of Rigoberta, the 1992
Nobel Peace Prize winner, was killed. And she was the one who brought a case
against him before the National Court of Spain. When Lucas García was
overthrown, he went into exile. Then the story returns to "little Venice." He
found refuge in Venezuela and died Venezuela, lying in his bed, as he spent the
last years of his life, suffering from Alzheimer's, without remembering the
crimes for which he was never tried, accompanied by his wife, Elsa Cirigliano,
Venezuelan, member of a family of entrepreneurs from the state of Anzoategui
(northeast of Venezuela).

Citgo is lobbying in the US through the firm that represents Cilia Flores' nephew. Photo: Squirepattonboggs.com
From Caracas to Istanbul
Squire
Patton Boggs’ influences virtually spread all over the world, and it has in the
Middle East, a hot spot of the planet, an important presence as a lobby, without
no one turning their noses up at what may be behind. Last August, it was
revealed that the president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, used the fight
against the so-called Islamic State in the area near its border as a pretext to
"carry out a campaign of genocide attack against the Kurdish people," according
to Huffington Post. A high-ranking US official accused Turkey of cheating the US
government by using the Incirlik Air Base to attack Isis (acronym for Islamic
State of Iraq and the Levant terrorist group), as a cover to attack the
Kurdistan Workers' Party (or PKK, its Kurdish acronym) in the north of Iraq,
stated the Wall Street Journal. According to this newspaper, there were only
three attacks against Isis and 300 against the PKK. The aim was to punish the
minority movement in the face of the elections. Erdogan
wanted to clear his name and the name of his government, hence, he hired the
communications office. He paid $ 32,000 a month to subcontract a lobby to access
the Gephardt group. He spent in all public relations groups around five million
dollars a year. Squire
Patton Boggs also offered to help another client, the Palestinian Authority. The
payment of $ 55,000 per month was intended to assist the Palestinian government
in the evaluation by the US Senate on whether or not to continue sending
economic aid to the Palestinian people after the association of the Authority
with Hamas, considered in the country of the North as a terrorist
organization. In
the Middle East, the list of this lobby goes on. It received money from Libya
since 2011. The total amount of 2014 amounted to $ 265,000. Last year, it
received $ 427,000 from Qatar, a client since 1994. Saudi Arabia paid somewhat
less than $ 227,000. All this money to take the interests of these countries to
top leaderships of the United States to protect them, different interests
related to oil, gas, health or financing. "We
represent companies, individuals, governments. Sometimes people look on what we
do with favor, others don’t," explains Adam R. Fox. "All I can say is that when
I am involved in this, I try to understand the details under the law and make
sure that I can get up in the morning and look at myself in the mirror, be happy
with myself. I feel good about that, pleased with what I do in
Venezuela." Venezuela,
the Palestinian Authority, Turkey against the Kurds or oil from Saudi Arabia,
different interests that, apparently, do not clash with ideologies. As the poet
said it, money talks.

Image of Fernando Lucas García on the investiture ceremony, who is even remembered as a genocide in Guatemala. Photo: Mx.tuhistory.com