Odebrecht funded Diosdado Cabello
A dozen Venezuelan politicians appear among the beneficiaries of the Brazilian contractor and the names of Elías Jaua, a deputy, and Francisco Rangel Gómez, governor of Bolívar state in Venezuela, stand out. Odebrecht’s representative in Venezuela, Euzenando Azevedo, confessed to everything in Brazil and his testimony -leaked in this article- remarks that the list includes prominent individuals from Venezuela’s government but also leaders of the opposition such as Manuel Rosales, Carlos Ocariz and Antonio Ledezma.
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Odebrecht
had no favorites in its support to Venezuela’s government or its opposition. The
Brazilian contractor –which is currently facing the greatest corruption scandal
in Latin America– funded several of the regional campaigns carried out by
adherents of the government. However, behind the scenes, it secretly did the
same with leaders of the opposition. Currently, there is access to a list of
names and it starts with none other than Diosdado Cabello who is second in
command and, it is said, could preside the National Constituent Assembly that
the Bolivarian Revolution intends to establish.
In
2008, Odebrecht sponsored Diosdado’s campaign and covered its costs. That was
the same election that he ended up losing, along with the chance of being
reelected governor of Miranda state. That year, his opponent, Henrique Capriles,
kicked him out of the game and, as for today, it can be stated that Cabello lost
even with the economic support of the Brazilian constructor giant. These claims
are based on the testimony that Odebrecht’s Executive Director in Venezuela,
Euzenando Azevedo, gave to the Brazilian legal authorities and whose evidence
was leaked for this news story.
Azevedo
decided to cooperate with the investigation of the case Lava Jato (Car Wash Operation) at the
end of last year. On December, 15th, far away from Caracas and
detached from the compromises of his position, he finally revealed to attorneys
Heitor Alves Soares and Leonardo Cervino Martinelli that, year after year, an
approximate of $3 million, signed under the name of the Brazilian constructor
giant, were destined to fund campaigns of local politicians.
Even
though none of the 32 key works Odebrecht took on in Venezuela were allotted to
the local government, the company’s motto was to get allies through the funding
of leaders and political parties. “The authorities and civil servants that were,
in some way, involved in the works could create setbacks. This was generically
avoided with systematic donations in every election.” said Azevedo. “These
donations were done so the executions to complete the projects were facilitated
in every level and it meant the approval of environmental, municipal or state
permits.”
Even
in front of the attorneys, who were taking detailed notes of ins and outs of the
Lava Jato Operation in Venezuela,
Azevedo cautiously avoided to mention the exact amount of money that the company
provided to Diosdado’s campaign, and also about the details entailing the money
transfers. However, Odebrecht’s strongest man in Venezuela –privileged witness
in Caracas- did mention other names that, in the case of the opposition, go from
former governors of Zulia state, Manuel Rosales and Pablo Pérez, to Sucre
municipality’s mayor, Carlos Ocariz, and his counterpart in the metropolitan
area of Caracas, Antonio Ledezma, today a government’s political
prisoner.
The
Odebrecht told all of them not to interfere with their works, even if they were
leaders of an opposition to the government; also, to facilitate local permits
necessary to make progress in the many ongoing building projects that, unlike in
other countries, have not been completed due to red tape, lack of resources and
political unwillingness.
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It
is common knowledge that the Brazilians funded
the campaign of Venezuela’s president, Nicolas Maduro, and his contender,
Henrique Capriles in 2013.
A bundle of documents –leaked for this and other articles- show that, contrary
to the official discourse, Odebrecht’s alliance with the Venezuelan government
was circumstantial. In fact, behind Chavez’s back, the company supported the
political campaign of the opposition’s standard bearer, Manuel Rosales, in
2006.
These
were the words stated by none other than Euzenando Azevedo in the office that
Brazil’s Attorney General has in the north-eastern state of Sergipe. This is the
same businessman that had a free entry to Miraflores Presidential Palace, direct
phone dial to the Presidential Office and was fully in line with Chávez himself.
The former president would only render him courtesies and fine words in his
public speeches. “He is already Venezuelan. Have you become a Venezuelan citizen
yet? Come on, if you haven’t done it already…” joked el comandante (aka Chávez) on October,
9th, 2006 before giving Azevedo floor on national TV during the
unveiling of Caracas’ Metro route El Valle-La Rinconada, Line
3.
Odebrecht’s
proconsul in Caracas, apart from the hints made by Chavez in the previously
mentioned episode, never had a Venezuelan passport. That could explain why
Azevedo decided to answer to his country’s plea for justice and went back to
Brazil were he hides from the consequences of his confession about Odebrecht’s
role in the “Bolivarian Axis”.
Apart
from Maduro and Capriles, his testimony includes a dozen of political leaders
who were funded directly from Brazil, particularly chavistas (adherents of the Venezuela’s
government) like former Vice President now a deputy, Elías Jaua; Bolívar State’s
governor, Francisco Rangel Gómez, and Los Teques’ mayor, Francisco Garcés. It is
also important to mention the deceased and former governor of Guárico State,
William Lara; former mayor of Maracaibo, Gian Carlo Di Martino, and the
President of the Metro in Los Teques, Farith Fraija, when he was aiming to
become part of the city council.
Venezuelan
laws do not allow external funding in their political campaigns; however, it is
not about the legal loopholes, it is about the big corruption plot that
Odebrecht and other Brazilian constructors focused on the overpricing in their
works, bribes, and political favors that were later asked after the
elections.
In the world of politics, nothing is free after all. If Odebrecht used to pay $3million a year (between 2003 and 2013), it means they paid a total of $30 million in political favors.
(*)
This is an investigative work by the Structured Journalistic Investigation
Network of IDL-Reporteros in Peru, La Prensa in Panamá, La Nación in Argentina,
Sudestada in Uruguay and Armando.info in
Venezuela.
